Shaped by the conservative movement since childhood, publisher Alfred S. Regnery offers an insider’s take on the influence of conservatives in Upstream: The Ascendance of American Conservatism (2008). Regnery’s father Henry started the company in 1947 and published conservative classics such as God and Man at Yale by William F. Buckley Jr., and The Conservative Mind by Russel Kirk.

Regnery covers just about everything including think tanks, publishers, candidates, religious conservatives, financial donors, the courts, the Constitution, and free markets. He does an excellent job at explaining the merger of traditionalists, anti-communists, and libertarians in to one political force due in large part to the writings of William F. Buckley, Jr. and other intellectuals,
grassroots activists, and the emergence of Barry Goldwater. Regnery also traces how conservative leaders were able to separate themselves from some of the more radical conspiracy minded leaders like Robert Welch of the John Birch Society. Russel Kirk responded to Welch’s charge that President Dwight D. Eisenhower was an agent of a world communist conspiracy by quipping “Ike isn’t a communist. He is a golfer.”

While Eisenhower was a disappointment for conservatives, Barry Goldwater’s presidential candidacy unified and excited the conservative movement on a national scale. Regnery notes:

Not only did people donate their time to Goldwater in record numbers, but they donated their money, too. Until the 1964 campaign presidential elections were financed exclusively by large contributions from wealthy contributors, corporations, lobbyists, and other special interest groups. In 1960, twenty-two thousand people had contributed $9.7 million to Kennedy’s campaign and forty-four thousand people had contributed a total of $10.1 million to Nixon’s. LBJ’s money largely came from labor unions and fat cats. But over one million middle-income people contributed to Goldwater’s campaign. When the campaign was over, Goldwater had the names, addresses, and history of over five thousand donors. He showed that candidates could actually raise more money in small amounts from large numbers of people, and thereby gain financial independence from the GOP establishment.

The Goldwater candidacy failed at electing a conservative to the highest office, but it allowed for its leaders and activists to learn valuable lessons for the future. The emergence of Ronald Reagan and “The Speech” was undoubtedly the greatest triumph of Goldwater’s unsuccessful presidential bid.

Regnery also incorporates succinct and effective arguments on why conservatives opposed Great Society programs, wage and price controls, and new government agencies. He also identifies Richard Nixon’s vast expansion of government power through regulation as another key building block for statist policies.

Another intriguing study by the author is an analysis of neoconservatives, the new right (religious conservatives), and Phyllis Schlafly and the rise of the grassroots.

Regnery demolishes the myth that the conservative movement was largely funded by Texas oil tycoons with briefcases of money or big corporations. In fact, he points out that many big businesses and corporations opposed conservatism because of corporate desire for regulation and less competition in the marketplace. “The right has never had the sort of money available to the left. During the early years of the movement, from 1945 into the mid-1970’s, no more than about a dozen foundations were willing to give money to conservative causes, and most of those were small, family charitable organizations,” says Regnery. The author discloses fascinating stories of notable donors who gave out of concern over the rising decay of free market principles. One example being William Volker, who purchased an academic chair for Frederick Hayek at the University of Chicago.
Direct mail also played a revolutionary role in the rise of conservatism. Not only was it an effective way to raise money, but it allowed conservatives to educate the populace without their message being filtered. Direct mail was also a critical tool for allowing conservative candidates to compete and win against liberal “country club” Republicans.

In Upstream, Regnery also looks at judicial activism and U.S. Supreme Court nominees. He adds valuable insight into the nominations of Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr. and Samuel A. Alito, Jr., as well as the failed nomination of Harriet Miers. The author also explains the significance of The Federalist Society. Regnery notes that The Federalist Society has “reintroduced ideas that the liberals would prefer to see abandoned, such as natural law and religious liberty, sovereignty and federalism.” The group played a substantial role in vetting Roberts and Alito, while helping to nix Miers.

Throughout the book there is a wealth of information on conservative economists and free market advocates. He also highlights writers like George Gilder who critiqued Hayek and Milton Friedman by noting “their arguments for capitalism were too utilitarian and lacked inspiration.” Regnery declares:

George Gilder, for one, argued that the reason capitalism had failed to triumph over socialism by the late 1970’s, even though socialism was by then widely regarded as a utopian failure, was that advocates for capitalism had failed to make a moral case to inspire followers. His book Wealth and Poverty called attention to the virtues that capitalism required successful entrepreneurs to cultivate.

The chapter on religion and American conservatism is very important for understanding arguments for limited government that are grounded in faith. Especially informative are arguments put forth by the economist Wilhelm Roepke and Peter Viereck. Viereck authored Conservatism Revisited: The Revolt against Revolt. Regnery notes, “Liberalism, Viereck thought, held a naive belief in the basic goodness of man, which was inadequate to defend against the evil of tyranny. The alternative, according to Viereck, was a conservatism based on Christianity. Conservatism, he concluded, should be the political secularization of the doctrine of original sin.”

Included in Upstream is an examination on the influence of notable anti-communists Whittaker Chambers and Alexander Solzhenitsyn. And of course Regnery offers a lengthy tribute to President Ronald Reagan, who brought conservatism out of the fringes and into the mainstream.

Upstream is a valuable book for those who are seeking to learn more about the conservative movement and American politics in general. Regnery clearly explains how a small and fractured movement evolved into a serious and powerful force on the political stage. He elaborates on how the Republican Party apparatus is not by itself committed to conservatism. The goal of the party is to elect and ensure power for the party. Perhaps most importantly, he understands the original American conservatives were the Founding Father’s. Regnery simply says, “The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution were based on the premise that government was the great threat to freedom, and the purpose of a constitution was to limit the power of government.”


  • http://aconstantineblacklist.blogspot.com/ Alex Constantine

    Correction: Alfred Regnery is a fascist propagandist, not a “conservative.” This review hoodwinks the reader by legitimizing a fascist front, Regnery Publishing. This is not a “noise machine,” but there is nothing “important” about seditionist liars and war profiteering genocidists, and this is not about “conservative principles.” It is about unprincipled murderers who parade as human beings, legitimized by paid vermin like the reviewer above.

  • http://www.cdobs.com John Powers

    Alex,

    That was a bit harsh, don’t you think?

    One of the weaknesses of blog exchanges is unsubstantiated charges being promoted along with facts. How about a few examples if you are so certain of Regnery’s villainry?

    JBP

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